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Sunday, July 12, 2015

28 Reasons I’m DONE Talking To Most Of My Conservative Friends And Family Members





28 Reasons I’m DONE Talking To Most Of My Conservative Friends And Family Members



I’m a Southern girl. Born in the South, raised in the South, and have rarely lived anywhere BUT the South. I actually love the South. I’ll die in the South. Being a Southern girl, I have more than my share of right-wing friends, neighbors, and family members — and some of you have in recent years crossed the line into nut-jobbery.

The fact is — I love you guys and that will never change.

I’ll admit that I’m disappointed and disturbed to see intelligent and/or educated people who are willfully ignorant. But while it does change my opinion about you on some level, more than anything I’m embarrassed for you. It hurts me to see you post conspiracy theories on your Facebook timeline, only to have them debunked with a quick Snopes link. It hurts me to see you expressing unapologetic and blatant racism and ignorance. It absolutely tortures me to see you being on the wrong side of history on so many issues.

Although I’ll always love you guys, I have had to quit — for my own sanity and for the sake of our relationships — attempting to engage in intelligent conversation about politics and social issues with most of you. From now on, we’ll talk about the weather, recipes, our mutual friends, our children, our illnesses, thrift shop finds, and our old memories. I want to know what’s going on in your lives. What books are you reading? What home improvements are you planning? Hell, I’ll even follow you on Pinterest!

I very much appreciate those of you who can still have an intelligent conversation and listen to another point of view. Hopefully this small group of sane conservatives never changes.

Here is why I have to abandon attempts at intelligent conversation with most of you.

1. You support revisionist history.

When I was in a high school history class, I’ll never forget one thing our teacher taught us: what you read in history books isn’t always accurate. The example she used was history books in the Soviet Union, now known as Russia. She informed us, to my shock and horror, that the Soviets pretty much included what they liked in the history books and left out everything else. As a result, she said, there were generations of Russian students who were misinformed.

Oh we were dismayed, my classmates and I! Those poor little Russian kids who were being taught false history. But wait….you guys on the right are trying to do the same thing right here in the Good Old U.S.A.

Last year, I wrote an article about Texas’ plan to revise history and include Moses as a Founding Father. When I shared the article with an educated Texas adult and asked “is this OK with you,” his response was:

“Why teach our children at length regarding the horrors of slavery as we have eliminated that curse from our society? We don’t deny it occurred here or anywhere else in the world, but, why dwell on a segment of our past that has been corrected? I don’t think it is appropriate to drag our dirty laundry through our history lessons at length.”

Because it’s HISTORY. You don’t get to just rewrite history books if it’s unpleasant. What are you thinking? Shall we rewrite the Revolutionary War? “A minor disagreement with Great Britain.” How about the bombing of Pearl Harbor? “A spat with the Japanese.”

2. You cite Jesus as your reasoning for rejecting marriage equality.

Yet the Bible only mentions homosexuality six times. Six. Times. 6. This many:


turninggpp.com


So why is this one of the biggest issues on your agenda? Why are you putting so much energy and hate into an issue that clearly wasn’t one of God’s major concerns?

As Christians who are pro-family, why would you deny people the right to the sanctity of marriage? If marriage strengthens families, why would you not want everyone to have this, even if you disagree with their choice of mate?

YOU (we) have destroyed the sanctity of marriage. There is no possible way that gay marriage can do more harm to marriage than heterosexuals have done. Yet we seldom hear a sermon bemoaning the divorce rate or people living together before marriage. Why is that? Because the pews would be empty.

3. You use Biblical scripture to excuse yourself from feeding the hungry.

There is nothing you do that makes me more disgusted with you than your abuse and misuse of 2 Thessalonians 3:10.

For even when we were with you, this we commanded you, If any will not work, neither let him eat. 2 Thessalonians 3:10

You are deliberately taking the scripture — ONE VERSE! — out of context when you use them to justify your own hatred of poor people. And again, you’re showing your ignorance.

From Liberal America reader Eric Susee: “2 Thessalonians 3:10. are NOT the words of Christ. They are the words of Paul of Tarsus, a man who never met Christ.”

Biblical scholars have pointed out that the author of 2 Thessalonians was referring to Christians who stopped working in anticipation of Christ’s return.

4. You lie when you say you value “freedom of religion.”

I had lunch with some conservatives a while back, and the topic of freedom of religion came up. They expressed concern at the “war on Christianity.” I cited a recent event that had occurred in which protesters interrupted the U.S. Senate’s first Hindu-led prayer. The response from my fellow diners? “Good.”

I don’t know how educated people can be so ignorant. Seriously. You can’t even see your own contradictions.

5. You claim God speaks to you and tells you to do things.

Over and over and over, we see right wing nutjobs in the news saying they’re doing this horrible thing or that horrible thing because God told them to. This is, to quote the Christian Courier, “a very convenient method of authenticating what you want to do.”

He does NOT do that.

God, having of old time spoken unto the fathers in the prophets by divers portions and in divers manners, hath at the end of these days spoken unto us in his Son. Hebrews 1:1

But conservatives believe these nuts. Here is what I think: not only should sensible conservatives not believe these nuts, you need to start speaking out against them. These are the false prophets that the Bible warns us about, in my humble opinion. Most of you lack the courage to take a stand against these idiots even when you know they’re nuts.

6. You question my faith.

“Christian Left is an oxymoron.”
Oh my, I’ve heard that so much from the right, and believe it or not, I often hear it from my “friends.” First of all, your questioning of my faith genuinely means very little to me. What it does is destroy my opinion of you; I now view you as self-righteous hypocrites.

Recently, I found out that a woman from my church questioned her teen son for spending time here at my home with my children. I believe her words were “why would you want to be around someone so liberal.” I’ve never had a conversation with this lady. We’ve never even made eye contact. But alas, her comment (and more that she said) has forced me to now see her differently.

Keep questioning my faith, though, my people, because you can be sure I’m questioning yours. One thing I won’t do, however, is accuse you of not being a believer as you do me. What I will suggest to you is that my faith may be stronger than yours. I’ve educated myself, dared to question all things, and STILL believe. Most of you are too afraid to even learn. It may, after all, test your faith.
I’ll pray for you! :)

7. You care more about your guns than you do about children.

After the Sandy Hook massacre, and following other similar tragedies, I asked many of you if you loved your guns more than you do children. I made the statement of “I’d give up my gun forever if it would bring back even one of those children.”

I asked you if you’d do the same. You admitted that you would not.

8. You get excited about people dying.

You really, really like to see death. And not just to terrorists. You love the death penalty. You love war. You love seeing kids like Trayvon Martin being shot. They deserve it, you say. But his murderer has shown — again and again — since his acquittal that he is a dangerous person.

9. You assume that everyone who needs help are losers and parasites who refuse to work.

Approximately 47 million people receive food stamps, and most of them are children or the elderly, in addition to people who are employed. The numbers, from a 2012 USDA report:
  • 45 percent of SNAP recipients are under 18 years of age
  • Nine percent are age 60 or older
  • More than 40 percent live in households with earnings

10. You weren’t concerned about uninsured people– including me.

Most of you know that when I made the decision to become self-employed that I would be giving up my employer subsidized health insurance. I’m 47 years old, and like most people my age, have at one time or another had preexisting conditions that would cause insurance companies to deny me a private policy.
I didn’t want a free ride. I was eager to pay for my own insurance. Obamacare opened that door for me and millions of other hard-working Americans and disallows insurance companies from rejecting millions of Americans who were previously rejected. But without even knowing fully what the Affordable Care Act is, you chose the path of ignorance. You didn’t care.

11. The Creation Museum — that is all.

You think this is OK. It’s not. These people just make stuff up. Do you really think kangaroos floated from Africa to Australia on rafts? Why are you condoning this ignorance?

12. You’re liberal in youth, yet grow conservative in age.

I call this the Dead Peter Syndrome in men and/or the Formerly Hot Syndrome in women.

A couple of years ago, a man confronted me on Facebook about my liberalism. I knew him when I was growing up; he was a friend of my parents and his children were my playmates. He called me a stupid, misguided, amoral, liberal. Yes, those were his words. I had one question for him:

“When I was a little girl, didn’t I sit on your lap while you smoked a joint and drank beer?”

I’m afraid I burned the bridge of that friendship — and good riddance.
Similarly, many women who embraced the sexual revolution are now taking a stance against women’s rights and suggesting that I’m killing babies with my IUD.

You don’t get to live it up as a young person and then try to take a moral high ground when you get old and aren’t interested in living anymore.

13. You don’t want people who disagree with you to vote.

Oh, Gerrymandering, you ugly devil, you. But do we question why this is so common and seldom questioned by people on the right? It’s because you, my conservative voter loved ones, agree with it. You think it’s perfectly acceptable (and necessary) to suppress the vote. It’s for the “good of the nation.”

I once heard someone tell his wife to not inform her Democratic friend how and where to vote. “She’ll cancel out your vote.”
There you have it.

14. Some of your best friends are black. Or Mexican.

A conservative I know professes that “my best friend is black” and balked when I called him and his wife racist. Why did I call him racist? Because my little girl — at that time about 12 — went to a movie with one of her African American friends and his mother. The conservative and his wife were “very concerned” about me allowing my little girl to consort with “blacks.” But oh, no, they’re not racist, are they?

I don’t care how many black or Hispanic friends you have. If you think that mentality is OK, then yes, you’re racist.

15. You scream about undocumented immigrant children at the border, but you hire Mexicans to do your dirty work.

I live in Texas. Duh! Every single upper-middle-class or wealthy person I know has at one time hired cheap labor to do their menial tasks like home repairs, yard work, housekeeping, and childcare. They actually seek out Hispanic people because they know that they do good work and that they’ll work for cheap.

16. You insist on calling undocumented immigrants “illegals” and “aliens.”

They are human beings. They are undocumented immigrants. Many of them are children. It reallyyyyy makes me furious to see you deliberately depersonalizing these human beings who are doing nothing but seeking the American Dream that you are so proud of.

And you do this on purpose. You know what you’re doing. You’re proud of your very unethical and un-Christian attitude towards these human beings.

17. You don’t mind using force against “lesser” groups to get what you want.

Case in point, protesting outside of abortion clinics.
Or protesting at the funerals of gay people. And yeah, I know that is Westboro Baptist Church and not you, but if you refuse to speak out against them, then you’re a part of the problem.

18. You love war, death, and destruction.

And why do you love war, death, and destruction? Because ‘Murica. Because you think this somehow makes us superior. We may be militarily superior, but we are ethically inferior.

Even when confronted with the lies, now confirmed officially, that got us into the Iraq war, you don’t care. You like for America to be the world’s largest terrorist organization and the world’s most formidable bully.

19. Speaking of war, you think draft dodging is OK and military service is for the little people.

Why doesn’t it bother you that Dick Cheney et al are draft dodgers? Or that Mitt Romney has an entire baseball team of sons and not one of them served in the military? Or that none of the current generation of Bush children have served in the military. Let me tell you in one sentence, as was told to me personally by a wealthy draft dodger:

“Wouldn’t you get out of it if you could?”

Dying for your country is such a noble cause — if you’re not one of the elite. Right?

20. You claim to care about the Constitution, but in reality you don’t.

Oh yes, you scream “CONSTITUTION” at the top of your lungs, but when idiotic Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) recently tried to strip the Constitution of the 5th and 6th Amendments, where were you? Where was your outrage?

You love the parts of the Constitution that please you personally — NOT the entire Constitution.

21. It’s impossible for you to see your privilege.

If you were born into a family and a place that allowed you to thrive, you’re blessed and fortunate. This isn’t the norm. A lot of success and stability depends on the structure that we have during our formative years. The vast majority of young Americans have not had your advantages and I can’t seem to make you understand that. I’ve stopped trying.

22. You don’t care about children.

You care about fetuses. Once those fetuses begin to breath outside the womb, your concern is gone if they’re born into a poor family that needs help.

Or how about poor children who are in school? Most of you want to do away with free and reduced lunches, for God’s sake. And let’s not even talk about free breakfasts for kids. What is wrong with you people??? There is no better investment that we can make as a nation than in the early childhood health of our children.

23. You’re greedy and miserable.

You spend more time bemoaning what is being taken from you that you do in being thankful that you have enough to share.

24. You think our religion is the only one.

I’m a Christian — a proud follower of the most amazing man I’ve ever studied. Most of what is good about me comes from the teachings of Jesus. I love my religion and my Holy Book. I use the Words in Red as a compass. But who am I to look at other people who feel exactly the same way about their own religions and judge them?

We’re all on this earth doing the best we can, making the best decisions that we can.

And we’re all taking our best guess. The evidence for and against their religion is no different than the evidence for and against ours.

25. You are lazy and you refuse to read.

I provide sources for you that will debunk most of your BS, or at least help you to see it a little differently. You refuse to read it. You stick to Fox News, World Net Daily, etc…You refuse to ever entertain another point of view.

I have a conservative friend who I adore. He and his wife grew up with me. I think he’s awesome because he did something amazing for me: he recorded Rachel Maddow for a week and watched her show. Did he agree? Meh, not really. But him being willing to even listen to another viewpoint won him favor in my book. Thank you, Michael.

26. Your misfortune is God’s blessing.

When something bad happens to you, you sanctimoniously think it’s God testing you and making you stronger. When something bad happens to me (or gay people or atheists or etc…), you think it’s God punishing them.
Really?

27. “Everyone has their lot in life.”

Except you, of course. Well, no….you do have a lot. Your lot is to have every privilege and entitlement and make sure your children have the same.

28. You think you’re the only one working and paying taxes.

“My tax dollars….” Here’s a clue: you’re not the only one paying taxes. Liberals pay taxes, too. Just how far do you think your $2,000 a year in income taxes goes? Or your $10,000, or even your $50,000? No matter how wealthy you are and how much income tax you pay — and most of those complaining aren’t paying that much — you’re actually probably paying more for wars (that you love) than for food stamps for children in poverty.

So anyhow….tell me, my loves, what are you cooking for dinner tonight?

All of this said, let me say this: I’m very grateful and appreciative of my sane conservative friends who can actually participate in an intelligent and respectful discussion. To name just a few (and if I leave anyone out, I’m sorry — these are just the ones I interact with the most on these issues): Michael, Laura K., Whitney, Laura M., and my pastor, Brent.

Thank you, my dear ones, for being sane. For understanding that things aren’t always black and white. And for disagreeing with me without belittling my very existence. And for not rubbing midterm losses in my face. And for never once calling me stupid or amoral for being a liberal.

Sunday, December 28, 2014

The Democratic Party Keeps Screwing Up: Why Progressives Need to Be Independent of the Party





 

Progressives have no power in a corporate, focus-grouped, Wall Street-leaning party.



Photo Credit: Eugenio Marongiu / Shutterstock.com



 
The Democrats’ conduct since the midterm debacle is as sad and sorry as the campaign that caused it. The party’s leaders are a big problem. A bigger one is the closed system of high-dollar fundraising, reductionist polling and vapid messaging in which it is seemingly trapped. Some say a more populist Democratic Party will soon emerge. It won’t happen as long as these leaders and this system are in place.

Nancy Pelosi says it wasn’t a wave election. She’s right. It was the Johnstown Flood; as catastrophic and just as preventable. One year after the shutdown Republicans scored their biggest Senate win since 1980 and their biggest House win since 1928. Turnout was the lowest since 1942, when millions of GIs had the excellent excuse of being overseas fighting for their country.

Every Democratic alibi — midterm lull, sixth-year curse, red Senate map, vote suppression, gerrymandering, money — rings true, but all of them together can’t explain being swept by the most extreme major party in American history. Citing other statistics — demography, presidential turnout, Hillary’s polls — they assure us that in 2016 happy days will be here again. Don’t bet on it.

It took more than the usual civic sloth to produce the lowest turnout in 72 years. It took alienating vast voting blocs, including the young and the working class of both genders and all races. The young now trend Republican. Voters of all ages migrate to third parties or abandon politics altogether. It’s the biggest Democratic defection since the South switched parties in the 1960s. If Democrats don’t change their ways, their 2016 turnout will be a lot harder to gin up than they think.

Democrats are in denial regarding the magnitude and meaning of their defeat. It is a rejection not just of current leaders but of the very business model of the modern Democratic Party: how it uses polls and focus groups to slice and dice us; how it peddles its sly, hollow message and, worst, how it sells its soul to pay for it all. Party elites hope party activists will seek to lift their moods via the cheap adrenaline high of another campaign. For once, activists may resist the urge.

The vital task for progressives isn’t reelecting Democrats but rebuilding a strong, independent progressive movement. Our history makes clear that without one, social progress in America is next to impossible. For 100 years progressive social change movements transformed relations between labor and capital, buyers and sellers, blacks and whites, men and women, our species and our planet. But in the 1970s progressives began to be coopted and progress ceased. Their virtual disappearance into the Democratic Party led to political stultification and a rollback of many of their greatest achievements.

Much is written of the rise of the right, but very little of the fall of the left. We’re apt to see the left’s decline, if we do see it, as a consequence of the right’s superior funding, organizing and messaging, of the corporate dominance of all politics, and of white backlash against government, liberalism or modernity itself.

It’s a bad analysis. The left’s fall is as much a cause as an effect of what ails us. Middle-class anger isn’t about race, taxes, social services or social change. It’s mainly about middle-class decline and public corruption. Democrats talk a lot about both problems — but if they were really trying to solve either one, we’d all know it.

The prevailing analysis fosters passivity. Whenever people speak of forces rather than choices it’s a sure sign they aren’t about to do anything. Progressives who blame their losses on globalization, white backlash or money in politics are less apt to focus on the one thing they alone control: their own choices.
It also fosters denial. We know there can’t be a strong middle class absent a strong government to help create and sustain it. Social Security, Medicare, civil rights and labor laws, public education and market regulation are middle-class foundations. In the late ’70s they buckled and the middle class buckled with them.

It was around then that Wall Street began colonizing the Democratic Party and the Democrats began colonizing the left. After Jimmy Carter squashed Ted Kennedy, challenges to incumbent Democrats ceased. Grassroots movements morphed into Washington lobbies and formed their first PACs. For the sake of the Democrats in whom they’d reposed all their hopes and dreams, progressives moved their debates indoors.

We know these things but we don’t connect them and so we miss the chain of causation that runs from the left’s fall to the fall of the middle class and finally, the triumph of the right. Nor do we connect the left’s fall to its own choices. It has a victimization story worthy of a Fox News anchor, but in truth the left dismantled itself. Progressives traded their independence for a seat on the far end of the Democratic bench. Progressives turned their movements into mailing lists. Progressives put aside proven weapons of reason, passion and conviction for the shallow techniques of corporate marketing and modern electoral politics.
Our problem isn’t partisan gridlock but the stagnation of a political ecosystem imbalanced by the slow extinction of liberalism. In the shutdown Ted Cruz bestrode the world like a colossus till the Kochs, of all people, rode to the rescue. Wall Street was a major player but labor was invisible and progressives said barely a word. Their silence didn’t strengthen Obama, it weakened him. It was a perfect tableau of politics in our time. When the left goes AWOL, the right goes crazy.

Democrats think they need more money, better ads and a bigger computer. They gripe about Republican wedge issues, but have their own; immigration for Latinos, choice for women, student loans for students.  What they need is a blueprint for solving problems that matter to everyone. Since the 19th century, progressive movements have created the blueprints and the public groundswells needed to enact them. Can progressives build such a movement in this century?
They can do it but they’ll have to take a time-out from electoral politics. They must declare their independence from the Democratic Party, its ineffectual politics and its current, clueless leaders. In the fall liberal pundits chastised Democrats who “ran from Obama.” Democrats lost because they couldn’t run from themselves. What they really needed to do was assure voters they saw the flaws in Obama’s program and had a plan to fix it. They didn’t have a plan because progressives never gave them one.

Democrats in Congress seem bent on mass suicide. After their landslide loss they reelected all their leaders without challenge. After the Senate confirmed two utterly unqualified Obama donors as foreign ambassadors, they caved on a budget that opened more sluices for the rich to pour money into politics and hollowed out Dodd/Frank to let Wall Street cover its bad bets with depositors’ money. In 2013 Obama said he wouldn’t “pay ransom” to pass a budget. In 2014 he did just that.

A Progressive Declaration of Independence is a risk, but it’s safer than idling about on deck as the Democrats’ ship goes down. Movement building is arduous work. Builders must agree on an agenda, finance and organize a base, communicate their vision, and help people apply the pressure needed to make change. It’s a huge task. If it hadn’t been done so many times before you’d think it was impossible.

Some progressives will spend 2015 trying to lure Elizabeth Warren or some second or third choice into a run for president. Some will make their peace with Hillary. Some will take other paths. A public debate among progressives will unearth some disagreements on policy and a more fundamental divisions over strategy.

Some say the Democratic Party is beyond saving. Others say it’s our last hope. I see progressives taking leave of Democrats not as abandonment but more like tough love. In the end it may be the only thing that can save Democrats or for that matter progressives, whose reputation has been tarnished by the party that betrayed them. In any event it’s better for both parties for all future business to be conducted on an arms’ length, cash-for-carry basis.

My guess is that if you can’t take over the Democratic Party, you can’t take over the country — and that a declaration of independence should be followed by an actual rebellion. The Tea Party has shown you can work within a party and yet be highly independent. But whether to work within, against or apart from the Democrats is a call for later. Building a strong progressive movement is work we must do now. Obama had this right in 2008. We are the change we’ve been waiting for.

Progressives once provided Democrats with policies. Now Democrats provide them with slogans. Progressives say Democrats lack backbone and a bottom line, but progressives used to provide those too. Want politicians to get the courage of their convictions? It’s simple. First, get some convictions.  Courage will follow.


Bill Curry was White House counselor to President Clinton and a two-time Democratic nominee for governor of Connecticut. He is at work on a book on President Obama and the politics of populism.

Wednesday, April 30, 2014

What's the Difference Between a Liberal and a Progressive?


politics


What's the Difference Between a Liberal and a Progressive?



David Sirota

Posted: October 19, 2005 10:54 AM



I often get asked what the difference between a "liberal" and a "progressive" is. The questions from the media on this subject are always something like, "Isn't 'progressive' just another name for 'liberal' that people want to use because 'liberal' has become a bad word?"
The answer, in my opinion, is no - there is a fundamental difference when it comes to core economic issues. It seems to me that traditional "liberals" in our current parlance are those who focus on using taxpayer money to help better society. A "progressive" are those who focus on using government power to make large institutions play by a set of rules.
To put it in more concrete terms - a liberal solution to some of our current problems with high energy costs would be to increase funding for programs like the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP). A more "progressive" solution would be to increase LIHEAP but also crack down on price gouging and pass laws better-regulating the oil industry's profiteering and market manipulation tactics. A liberal policy towards prescription drugs is one that would throw a lot of taxpayer cash at the pharmaceutical industry to get them to provide medicine to the poor; A progressive prescription drug policy would be one that centered around price regulations and bulk purchasing in order to force down the actual cost of medicine in America (much of which was originally developed with taxpayer R&D money).
Let's be clear - most progressives are also liberals, and liberal goals in better funding America's social safety net are noble and critical. It's the other direction that's the problem. Many of today's liberals are not fully comfortable with progressivism as defined in these terms. Many of today's Democratic politicians, for instance, are simply not comfortable taking a more confrontational posture towards large economic institutions (many of whom fund their campaigns) - institutions that regularly take a confrontational posture towards America's middle-class.
We can see a good example of this hesitation from Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL) in his "health care to hybrids" proposal. As the Detroit News reports, Obama is calling "for using government money to relieve Detroit automakers of some of their staggering health care obligations if they commit to improving fuel economy by 3 percent a year for 15 years."
Here's the thing - we all want to see autoworkers' health care preserved, and we all want to see better fuel efficiency standards for cars. But is this really the road we want to go down as a society? I'd say no. The fact is, the auto industry should be forced to produce more fuel efficient cars through higher government fuel efficiency mandates, without taxpayers having to bail out the industry. It's not like those mandates would be asking the industry to do something that doesn't make good business sense - demand for higher fuel-efficiency cars is skyrocketing.
Paying off corporations to do what they already should be doing sets a dangerous precedent - it sends a message to Big Business that they can leverage their irresponsible behavior into government handouts. In this case, the auto industry would be leveraging its refusal to produce more fuel efficient cars and preserve its workers' health care into a giant taxpayer-funded subsidy.
To be sure, Obama has solid motives in pushing his proposal, and it is a creative cross of issues (health care and energy/environment). But the general unwillingness of Democrats to consistently push for more sharp-edged progressive solutions is a big problem right now. The "free market" conservatives have so dominated the political debate over the last two decades that our side seems only comfortable proposing to pay off different economic players, instead of forcing those players to behave themselves. It's time for that to change. The government has a job to play in protecting Americans from being ripped off, and that doesn't mean just handing the economic bullies a bribe. It means pushing back - hard.

The Definition of a Progressive: Are You a Progressive?




Organic Consumers Association



The Definition of a Progressive: Are You a Progressive?

In the propaganda wars that surround elections, political labels often become detached from reality. The leading contender for the Democratic presidential nomination, Barack Obama, has been called a "leftist" by Republican flacks and a "progressive" by some of his supporters. Others see Obama as a moderate Democrat only slightly less friendly to corporate capital and to the military-industrial complex than the Republican John McCain. It would be no surprise, then, if many people were wondering, Just who is a progressive?
No one, of course, has the authority to decide who is a progressive and who isn't. Yet if the label "progressive" has meaning at all, it is only because of some shared criteria we have in mind when we use it. So it might be worthwhile to put these criteria on the table, not to draw boundaries and hand out membership badges, but to spark a conversation about the common ground of ideas and values on which progressives stand, and to underscore the point that the center is not the left.
So who is a progressive? You might be one if 
• You think health care is a basic human right, and that single-payer national health insurance is a worthwhile reform on our way toward creating a non-profit national health care service.
• You think that human rights ought always to trump property rights.
• You think U.S. military spending is an obscene waste of resources, and that the only freedom this spending protects is the freedom of economic elites to exploit working people all around the planet.
• You think U.S. troops should be brought home not only from Afghanistan and Iraq, but from all 130 countries in which the U.S. has military bases.
• You think political leaders who engage in "preemptive war" and invasions should be brought to trial for crimes against humanity and judged against the standards of international law established at Nuremberg after World War Two.
• You think public education should be free, not just from kindergarten through high school, but as far as a person is willing and able to go.
• You think that electoral reform should include instant run-off voting, publicly-financed elections, easy ballot access for all parties, and proportional representation.
• You think that electoral democracy is not enough, and that democracy must also be participatory and extend to workplaces.
• You think that strengthening the rights of all workers to unionize and bargain collectively is a useful step toward full economic democracy.
• You think that as a society we have a collective obligation to provide everyone who is willing and able to work with a job that pays a living wage and offers dignity.
• You think that a class system which forces some people to do dirty, dangerous, boring work all the time, while others get to do clean, safe, interesting work all the time, can never deliver social justice.
• You think that regulating big corporations isn't enough, and that such corporations, if they are allowed to exist at all, must either serve the common good or be put into public receivership.
• You think that the legal doctrine granting corporations the same constitutional rights as natural persons is absurd and must be overturned.
• You think it's wrong to allow individuals to accumulate wealth without limits, and that the highest incomes should be capped well before they begin to threaten community and democracy.
• You think that wealth, not just income, should be taxed.
• You think it's crazy to use the Old Testament as a policy guide for the 21st century.
• You believe in celebrating diversity, while also recognizing that having women and people of color proportionately represented among the class of oppressors is not the goal we should be aiming for.
• You think that the state has no right to kill, and that putting people to death to show that killing is wrong will always be a self-defeating policy.
• You think that anyone who desires the reins of power that come with high political office should, by reason of that desire, be seen as unfit for the job.
• You think that instead of more leaders, we need fewer followers.
• You think that national borders, while sometimes establishing territories of safety, more often establish territories of exploitation, much like gang turf.
• You are open to considering how the privileges you enjoy because of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, and/or physical ability might come at the expense of others.
• You believe that voting every few years is a weak form of political participation, and that achieving social justice requires concerted effort before, during, and after elections.
• You think that, ideally, no one would have more wealth more than they need until everyone has at least as much as they need to live a safe, happy, decent life.
• You recognize that an economic system which requires continuous expansion, destroys the environment, relies on rapidly-depleting fossil fuels, exacerbates inequality, and leads to war after war is unsustainable and must be replaced. Score a bonus point if you understand that sticking to the existing system is what's unrealistic.
No doubt some readers will say this list is incomplete. It is. Many policy issues of importance to progressives go unmentioned. Others might say that the list leans too far to the left, or not far enough. It could also be said that some items are vague (what does it mean to say that human rights ought always to trump property rights?). These are all useful responses. If we hope to work together to transform the social world, we need to know what we agree on, what we don't agree on, and what needs further hashing-out.
In the end, however, it's not labels and identities and criteria for bestowing them that really matter. Political terms have consequences, but only because of how we use them. Which suggests another item for the list. You might be a progressive if you think that it's important to take seriously the meaning of political identities, but that what really matters is living out those identities in ways that help to create more peace, justice, and equality.
Michael Schwalbe is a professor of sociology at North Carolina State University. 
His most recent book is 
Rigging the Game: How Inequality Is Reproduced in Everyda... 
(Oxford, 2008).

For more information on this topic or related issues you can search the thousands of archived articles on the OCA website using keywords:

Tuesday, December 24, 2013

Populism Rising?







Populism Rising?

Robert Borosage

The Beltway crowd has discovered populism. Senator Elizabeth Warren’s surging popularity from her aggressive defense of Social Security and demand for Wall Street accountability has triggered talk of a populist challenge to Hillary Clinton in 2016. Bill De Blasio indicted New York’s gilded age inequality in his stunning victory in the New York Mayoral race. This month, President Obama returned to his campaign themes, delivering a speech calling inequality “the defining challenge of our time.”

Republicans, preoccupied with their Tea Party zealots, mostly have avoided joining the debate, but the Wall Street wing of the Democratic Party raised the alarm. In an incoherent article appropriately placed in the Wall Street Journal, the New Democrats at the Third Way scorned Warren for defending Social Security and Medicare and peddling a “dead end” “we can have it all fantasy.” They beat a hasty retreat when they were slapped down by Neera Tanden, head of the Obama New Dem Center for American Progress, who then labored to paint Bill Clinton – Bill Clinton – as a populist. Gaseous Bill Keller of the New York Times weighed in for what he called the “center-left” against the “left-left” of Warren et al with arguments immediately dismembered by economist Dean Baker.

These are but the opening skirmishes of what is likely to be a fierce battle inside and outside the Democratic Party. Populism, by definition, doesn’t trickle down from the top. It spreads as a bottom up movement that chooses and elevates its own leaders. It doesn’t spread because Elizabeth Warren is espousing politically toxic and unpopular ideas, as the Third Wayers charged. Rather Warren is threatening because she champions attitudes and ideas that enjoy widespread popularity outside the beltway, but are slighted inside of it.

Populist movements grow out of popular discontent. For over thirty years, inequality has been growing. Profits and productivity and CEO salaries have risen, but workers haven’t shared in the growth. But hard times, as Lawrence Goodwyn, the great historian of the Populist Movement notes, do not generate democratic movements. Times have been “hard” for most people for a long time. When families lose ground, people tend to believe that they are at fault, that their luck has been bad, that they made the wrong choices. They work harder; they take on debt; they get by.  Resignation and deference are normal. 
Movements start only when reality – and organizers – begin to open people’s eyes.
The economy hasn’t worked for working people for a long time. Wall Street’s excesses then led to the Great Recession. Yet the banks were bailed out; banker bonuses were paid, while homeowners were abandoned. The wealthy recovered, while most Americans struggle to stay afloat. Occupy Wall Street helped crystallize people’s sense about the 1%. They rig the rules, as Elizabeth Warren put it, to benefit themselves. Running for re-election in a lousy economy, the president was wise enough to embrace populist themes. And Mitt Romney, with his money summering in Cayman Island tax havens, proved the perfect foil.

This emerging awareness seems spreading among millennials, who, as Peter Beinert detailed, are entering the worst jobs market since the Great Depression. It also finds fertile grounds among people of color and single women, hardest hit in the recession and having a hard time recovering from it. That is the threat: Obama’s ascendant “rising American majority” is looking for change and open to populist arguments.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren, actively involved with the on-line activists who helped propel her candidacy (and raise her tons of dough in small contributions) gets this. So does Sen. Sherrod Brown who won election in Ohio with a populist indictment of our trade policies, and Sens. Sheldon Whitehouse, Tammy Baldwin, Jeff Merkley and, of course, Bernie Sanders. They are in the lead because they understand not only the morality of the populist argument, but its political appeal as well.

Keller suggests that the populists are for redistribution while the “center-left” New Dems focus on growth, but this is a burlesque. The populists are looking for economic growth that works for working people. They opposed austerity policies that gave reducing budget deficits priority over putting people to work. They champion investments vital to our future – in everything from rebuilding our decrepit infrastructure to capturing the lead in the green industrial revolution to investing in education. The Congressional Progressive Caucus budget showed how we could afford those investments and put people to work, paying for it with progressive tax reforms. And they offer answers at the scale of the challenges we face, not the symbolic gestures favored by New Dems as political message.
Similarly, the populists are for predistribution, not just redistribution. With the top 1% pocketing fully 95% of the income growth of the society, populists want workers to be able to capture a fair share of the profits and productivity they help to produce. So they champion not just increasing the minimum wage, but empowering workers at the workplace to organize and bargain collectively. And they will push to curb perverse CEO compensation schemes that give executives multi-million dollar personal incentives to loot their own companies.

The new populists understand that entrenched interests fix the game and feed off the public trough. They want to get health care costs under control not by cutting Medicare, but by taking on the drug and insurance companies and hospital complexes that make our health care costs twice those of other industrial countries. They want an end to subsidies for Big Oil. They would end the tax breaks enjoyed by multinationals that ship jobs or report profits abroad. They would insure that billionaires pay higher taxes than their secretaries. And then use that money to pay for good public education for all children, to make college affordable, to be serious about advanced training for workers.

This debate isn’t simply, as Neera Tanden implies, about championing a small tax hike on the rich to pay for universal preschool and other good programs. We’re about to have a brutal debate about trade policies when the president seeks “fast track” trade authority to push through treaties being negotiated in secret with multinationals at the table and workers locked out. Populists want an end to the corporate defined trade policies that have racked up record deficits and devastated American manufacturing. They will challenge Wall Street’s “strong dollar” policy that benefits investment abroad but makes things made in America less competitive.

And we’ve only begun, as Elizabeth Warren illustrates, the debate about Wall Street. Populists will demand the breakup of the big banks, and curbs on the casino economy.
Will the populist movement spread? That, of course, remains to be seen. Historically, this requires not simply bad times, discontented people and articulate leaders, but grassroots educators and organizing, teachers that challenge the conventional wisdom and give people a chance to see the world anew. In the original populist movement at the turn of the 19th century, this involved literally tens of thousands of itinerant lecturers, speaking in barnyards and town squares, educating gatherings of farmers and workers, enlisting them in an independent organization that provided real service. Today, it involves everything from Occupy’s teach-ins to the space provided by the new media to the organizing initiatives driven by unions and increasingly ideological grassroots organizations.

If the populist movement spreads, it won’t be a Beltway phenomenon.  As Occupy demonstrated, it will disrupt business as usual. It will feature fierce battles over basic issues and corruption.  Democrats will have to decide how to respond. However disruptive, this is democracy’s promise: That there is space for fiercely independent citizen movements to take on very powerful interests, to challenge Gilded Age inequalities and deep-pocket money politics, and make the economy work for working people once more.

Wednesday, October 2, 2013

The Psychodynamics of the Tea Party’s Success—and How to Beat Them


Tikkun

The Psychodynamics of the Tea Party’s Success – and How to Beat It


After many years as a psychotherapist studying the psychodynamics leading Americans to move to the Right, (before I became a rabbi and editor of Tikkun), I began to understand why a fringe and extremist group could be so successful in gathering support that would eventually lead to its ability to shut down the functioning of the government. If you read to the end of this letter, I promise you’ll get some new perspectives on what is happening right now in American politics.

tea party
Tea Party members protest in Washington. Credit: Creative Commons/theqspeaks.

I’m writing to you, as a reader of Tikkun, because I need your help in getting a new perspective into the public arena so we can build an effective movement to counter the Tea Party before it is too late. I’ll lay that perspective out below.
That help can take two forms:

a. donating to Tikkun Magazine and/or our public education arm, the (interfaith and secular-humanist-welcoming) Network of Spiritual Progressives;

AND/OR

b. joining our network and possibly even coming to the training we will be doing in January 2014 to prepare people for the struggle ahead to stop the plunge toward the Right before it becomes overtly fascistic both in style and content (read more about this at spiritualprogressives.org/training). If you read this letter through, it might hopefully contribute to understanding why the right-wing extremists are winning and what we could do (with your help) to change the picture dramatically.

Here’s what I learned about why right-wing extremists are on the ascendency:

1. The Right has a coherent worldview, deeply mistaken, but nevertheless held firmly and taught widely through the media it controls and the many institutions it funds. They know what they want—the elimination of government except for its policing, fire-fighting, immigrant fighting, and military services.

But the Left (by which I mean everyone who believes that government should, among other things, offset the worst consequences of the competitive marketplace by providing a minimal social support system to prevent what might otherwise be outright rebellion) knows what it is against, but has no coherent or widely shared view of what it is for.

Most people on the Left haven’t understood this simple point: Martin Luther King Jr. did not become an iconic figure in American society by giving a speech whose main point was “I have a complaint.” The Left has dozens of complaints, most of them very legitimate, and around each complaint groups mobilize and fight for mild reforms, but there is no overall worldview that links them together. That is why groups on the Left often compete with each other more than cooperate, and why victory in one sphere often does not translate into a strengthening of all the other groups on the Left.

We at Tikkun and the NSP have that needed worldview—not trying to revive the New Deal (though some of its directions were great) or to simply fight for more material entitlements and political rights (though those struggles deserve our full support), but rather to build a larger vision of The Caring Society—Caring for Each Other and Caring for the Earth.

Or, as we put it in the NSP: we want a New Bottom Line so that institutions, social practices, corporations, government policies, our education system, our legal system, and even our personal lives are judged efficient, rational and productive not only to the extent that they maximize money or power (the Old Bottom Line) but also and particularly to the extent that these institutions, corporations, social policies, laws, etc. nurture our capacities to be loving and caring, kind and generous, and ethically and environmentally responsible, as well as enhance our capacities to respond to other human beings (not just in the United States but also all around the world) as fundamentally valuable and deserving of respect and their needs as equally important as our own needs, and enhance our capacity to transcend a narrow utilitarian attitude toward nature (for example the approach to thinking about the physical world around us primarily in terms of “What’s in it for me? Can I sell something in nature to make a buck? Can it make me feel good?”). By transcending that kind of thinking we can respond with awe, wonder and radical amazement at the grandeur and mystery of life, consciousness, and the universe itself!

Now you might think that people on the Left already agree with all that. But ask anyone not on the Left when was the last time they heard a political leader (Obama, Pelosi, Reid, Hillary or Bill Clinton, or even people like the editors of The Nation, Mother Jones, or Harpers, or the people you hear on Amy Goodman’s Democracy Now or Pacifica Radio, or National Public Radio, or the people who write on popular leftie blogs, or even people like Ralph Nader, Robert Scheer, Bill Maher, or even Jon Stewart—and don’t get me wrong, I love Amy Goodman and Jon Stewart) talk explicitly about love, kindness, or generosity (much less awe and wonder at the grandeur of the universe). Most people outside the Left will tell you that they don’t hear that from the Left.

In fact, as my own empirical study of these dynamics (detailed in my 2006 national best seller The Left Hand of God: Taking Back our Country from the Religious Right) revealed, people often move to right-wing churches, which become conduits to right-wing ideology, precisely because they hunger for a vision of a world based on love and caring and generosity (ironically, though, the Right’s actual politics are the opposite of these values—but they at least make the effort to identify with those values). The Left meanwhile, seems to only identify with values of fairness and equality—good values, which we must build on also, but not enough to motivate people anymore, as forty years of left-wing rhetoric around those values has adequately demonstrated.

When you watch the Occupy Wall Street movement raising all those old leftie cries of inequality and the power of the 1 percent, and then watch how so many Americans continued to march after the politics and policies of the politicians who subordinate themselves to the 1 percent, even when doing so was not in their material economic interests to do so, you get an understanding of how misleading and misguided has been the old Democratic Party common sense that “it’s the economy stupid.”

Of course Lefties often ignore this by saying, “The Right has so much money that they can shape elections,” but the truth is that the Dems managed to win the presidency in 2008 and 2012, so money alone is not adequate. Or the Lefties say, “people are stupid” because they don’t act rationally to fill their own needs, ignoring two important points:
a. the very fact that others hear this is enough to convince them that a major point of the Right is correct, namely that the Left has contempt for you ordinary Americans because the Left is elitist and doesn’t care for you, doesn’t like you, and hence doesn’t deserve to be trusted (a point made to me over and over again in my empirical studies of the psychodynamics of American society by people who became right-wingers because they felt put down all the time by people on the Left), and
b. that it never occurs to people on the Left that ordinary Americans have other needs besides material needs and needs for equal power—namely needs for love, compassion, empathy, and some sense of a spiritual or higher purpose for their lives, and these are rarely addressed in the Left in a way that ordinary Americans could actually hear.

2. The Democrats are perceived as wimps, because they don’t fight for what they say they believe in.

So even though temporarily they are slightly winning the battle about who is to blame for the government shut down, they keep missing opportunities to challenge the Tea Party and their supporters.

If the Dems had a backbone, they would have insisted that if the government is going to be shut down, then all of the government will be shut. Instead, they’ve taken the standpoint of the Republicans in dividing “essential services” from “non-essential,” and saying only non-essential services are to be shut down. So when it comes to taking care of the poor and the powerless, those services get shut. The Republicans cleverly have taken up this ideological softness and said they would fund one program at a time.

What Dems should have been saying, and could still say, is this: the aim of the Republican Party is to destroy government so that it can no longer be a check on the ruthless aims of the corporate elite who will pollute the planet earth and destroy the life support system of the planet for your children and grandchildren and will lower the wages and incomes of the middle class endlessly in order to enrich themselves. Government has been doing a poor job at constraining them, but at least it is some job, and the 1 percent , the people who own 40 percent of the wealth of this country, they don’t like being constrained in their selfishness, so they want to disable government from being able to demand a living wage for workers, a safe work place, food that is not poisoned by unhealthy additives, and air, water, and land that has not been polluted by corporations to maximize their profits. Well we are not going to let them do this.
So if the right-wingers want to shut down the government, then everything will be shut. So, no pay for anyone who receives government pay, including the Congress (which right now continues to get paid), the entire military (after all, we are not in a war, and if we are still fighting in Afghanistan, we shouldn’t be), all of Homeland Security, NSA, FBI, etc. including the people searching us when we get on airplanes (and if the airports have to shut down, that’s another consequence of the Republican’s move), the border guards and the entire Immigration and Naturalization service.

Moreover, when shutting down other federal services, the priority should be given to shutting down those in the districts where the congressional reps voted to shut down the government. The president should call upon the people in those districts to create recall elections for their congressional reps, and insist that those districts that voted to keep government running should be buffered as much as possible from the effects of Tea Party extremism. Let the people in those districts fully understand the consequences of what their representatives voted for.

But who could expect the Dems to act in a strong way now, when they’ve been capitulating for the past forty years, embracing so many of the assumptions of the Right rather than courageously fighting for the interests of the 99 percent. It was, after all, the Obama administration that expelled more undocumented workers than previous administrations, refused to punish Wall St. bankers and investment brokers for their irresponsibility in causing the Great Recession that still goes on and has caused so much suffering for the middle class, refused to punish those involved in torturing prisoners caught in the “war against terror,” innovated drone warfare, allowed the NSA to spy on American citizens, and largely ignored the accelerated destruction of the environment.

Nothing was more illustrative of this wimpiness than Obamacare. Instead of embracing a simple and easily understood way to solve the health care crisis—Medicare for Everyone with payment coming from our taxes and savings from price controls on hospitals, physicians, and pharmaceuticals—Obamacare delivered a system that is hard for most people to understand, and that has a critical defect: requiring people to buy health insurance without simultaneously enforcing rigid price controls on the private health insurers. Despite the wonderful aspects of Obamacare (getting health insurance for tens of millions previously uninsured, though not for everyone who needs it, and forcing insurers to include those with pre-existing health conditions), this fault will eventually cause Obamacare to be seen as proof that government intervention doesn’t work (whereas it actually only proves that halfhearted interventions in the economy don’t work, just as Obama’s economic policies have shown).

Obama and the Dems will say that they were being “realistic,” but the Dems held control of both Houses of the Congress and could have passed Medicare for Everyone. Had Obama fought for that, rather than giving pharmaceutical firms a private deal to escape government allowing the same pharmaceuticals to be imported from Canada where they sell for a fraction of what they cost American consumers, and rather than forcing individuals to buy their own care or pay a fine, and yes, had he been willing to lose the fight for that and then go to the country in 2010 and ask for a stronger mandate by electing progressive Dems, he would have energized his own base who were so dispirited by all of his compromises that they could barely get themselves to vote in 2010, much less convince anyone else to do so.

And it was that disillusionment that created the space for the super-wealthy funded Tea Party to take off as a new voice of hope. It was early in 2009 that we at Tikkun bought a full-page ad in the Washington Post to warn Obama that unless he actually confirmed in action the “this is the time for change” expectations that he had raised in the 2008 election, people would revert to despair very quickly. Obama and the Dems had allowed the electorate in 2008 to get beyond all their “realistic” ideas (the realist idea that a progressive Dem, let alone an African American progressive Dem could never be elected) and to momentarily believe that real change was possible, even when the cynical voices around them, and most importantly inside them, told them not to trust, that they would once again be betrayed as they had been by every politician from Jimmy Carter (when he was in office, not later when he became who people hoped he would be when elected) to Bill Clinton.

So when Obama capitulated to the war makers and the Wall Street interests, the people who had risked believing in the possibility of serious transformation in America, particularly those who had previously been skeptical of politics but momentarily allowed themselves to be open to the possibility that the cynical voices inside themselves and around them were wrong, were devastated, humiliated, and felt burned.
I’m not claiming that it was those people who became the Tea Party, but rather that the social energy of hope was replaced with a deeper cynicism about what government could or would do to live up to the real needs of people, and in that situation, the Tea Party spoke to a variant of “common sense” when it said, “why should you pay so much in taxes for a government that is never going to deliver you anything valuable? Defund that government!” In that situation, there could be no effective counter-argument from the Dems and the liberals who had themselves been the “realists” who had led government away from making serious changes and who had given up the battle before it was fought.

Instead, the Dems allowed the Tea Party to set the national discourse, because the Dems had no coherent ideology or worldview or vision of the world they were trying to fight for. Unlike the Right, which for decades had been educating people to their ideas by fighting for causes that seemed at the time totally unrealistic, the Dems continually avoided articulating ideals and programs that could be seen as unrealistic, thereby failing to educate anyone to anything except the value of compromise and being realistic. And that, it turns out, is very unrealistic.

3. Now add into this the actual decline of American political power and economic power globally, coupled with the intense assault by the 1 percent on the incomes and economic security of the rest of the population, the growing awareness and despair about the way climate change might be real and might lead to environmental disaster, and you get a huge amount of insecurity about the future, and a willingness to grab on to a variety of pseudo-solutions, including anti-immigrant hysteria (“they are taking our jobs”), racism (“the minorities are taking over our country”), anti-union sentiment (“they are just looking out for themselves and don’t care about the rest of us”), militarism (“we may not be as strong as we used to be, but we can sure show other people we’ve got the strongest army in the world, so I don’t have to be so scared of the future”), and withdrawal into private life (“I can’t change the big picture, so I’ll just attend to my family, and to recycling my paper and plastics”). This is the terrain when larger hopes are dashed and few people hear anyone explaining to them what is happening, why they are feeling so scared, what’s right about those fears, and most importantly, how things could be different and less scary.

4. The takeover of the culture by the ethos of materialism and selfishness. Of course, these themes have been part of society ever since class society began, as ruling classes tried to convince everyone that it was reasonable for some people to have more than everyone else. But rarely in history have we seen such a huge buy-in to that ideology and to the common-sense notion that people are basically ego-driven and selfish and that “what they really want is more and more things,” as we see in the media-driven culture of the twenty-first century.

5. The destruction of public space with TV, which has greatly accelerated in the computer age. True enough, the internet democratizes information so that anyone can get access to it. But it simultaneously further privatizes life, increasingly undermining the great value of public space in which people would encounter ideas and meet people whom they would never have met in their work world or their families. When you go into a bookstore, you see books you didn’t know existed. When your primary way of buying books is online, you encounter primarily the books you already know about, plus what the booksellers think you might want to buy based on your past buying history, making the unplanned encounter with the different (ideas or people) far less likely. Similar dynamics happen when TV and the computer world narrow to niche marketing and niche consumption, so that people rarely encounter that which can happen in public space—the eruption of protest and of ideas that the media never told them existed.

Now the mainstream leaders of the Democratic Party can’t talk honestly about most of this because they themselves are in bed with the 1 percent and the corporate elite, needing their financial support to win elections, needing legitimation in the media the 1 percent controls and which will marginalize any candidates for office that talk about any of these issues but particularly anyone who overtly talks about the problems being rooted in part in the global capitalist market and the values of materialism, selfishness, and endless growth (which means using more and more of the earth’s resources without concern for the well-being of future generations in order to satisfy media-generated “needs” for more things, including a new generation of computers, iPhones, and other electronics) that are the core of the capitalist worldview.

But neither will the Left be able to discuss these issues, because it is tone-deaf to the hunger that many people have for a world based on non-utilitarian values, a world in which people are valued just for being human and not for “what they can do for you” to satisfy your needs or desires, and for a universe that can elicit feelings of awe and wonder, and not be reduced to a scientific formula. Moreover, the Left is populated by many people who have (quite justifiably) been repulsed by their own experience in religious communities that espoused or embodied patriarchal, racist, homophobic, and ultra-nationalist ideas or chauvinisms. These people seem unable to recognize that while their particular religious communities may have been reprehensible, that there are many religious communities and spiritual practices which do not embody those distortions, and are actually concerned with advancing love, kindness, generosity, and awareness of the awesome and mysterious aspects of the universe. Because of this religiophobia, the Left pushes away or marginalizes within its own ranks those who are seeking a life which has sufficient space for these spiritual concerns and the yearning for higher meaning and purpose to their own lives. Such a Left gives credence to the Tea Party and the Right which can, in reaction to that Left, claim that the Left is fundamentally elitist and hates ordinary Americans and their religious culture, thereby winning over people who on other grounds would be likely to be moved by the Left.
So this is what we at Tikkun have to offer, a worldview and analysis that you will not find elsewhere, or at least a little of what we have to offer. In every issue of Tikkun we have articles (not accessible in full online except to those who join the Network of Spiritual Progressives, who receive Tikkun as a gift of membership, or to those who subscribe to the print edition) that deepen this discussion. And we are now trying to rebuild our Network of Spiritual Progressives, which was badly hurt both by the inability of many of our members to pay yearly dues while in the midst of the still-ongoing Great Recession as well as by the dispiriting and despair that became widespread as Obama became more of a mainstream politician than the change agent he had promised to be (and nothing we could say in warning had the slightest impact of preparing people for this disillusionment).

And yes, we have a plan—to build a force on the Left capable of doing to the Dems what the Tea Party did for the Republicans—to move the discourse far from the accommodationist center to… well we’d like to say move it to the left, but actually it would be more accurate to say, move it to the love. Because the Left is so self-defeating because of the limitations we’ve already articulated. And many people on the Left don’t believe we are on the Left at all. Well, we won’t fight for that public space, because we do in fact have an analysis which, while including much of what the Left has to say, goes far deeper into the psychodynamic and spiritual levels of human reality.

Wait, you say you are not spiritual? Nonsense! You are spiritual, or at least what we mean by spiritual in Tikkun and the Network of Spiritual Progressives, if you agree with our New Bottom Line articulated above, want to see a world based on it, want the Caring Society (Caring for Each Other and Caring for the Earth), and recognize that our own well-being depends upon and is intrinsically tied to the well-being of every other person on the planet and the well-being of the planet itself.

So here is the pitch. We need you and we need your financial support. Of course, everyone in the business of fundraising says that we should have been pitching this way earlier, and with far less words. But our bottom line is not money, but solidarity—we want you to be with us no matter how little money you have. Yes, we’d like you to make the highest donation you’ve ever made to a nonprofit (think $5,000 or $1,000 or $500 or $360 or $250 and not just this year but every year). After all, we have no rich backers, for the obvious reason that what we stand for offends the super rich and makes the ordinary rich uncomfortable too. But we want you to be part of us even if you have very little money—you can join our Network of Spiritual Progressives at spiritualprogressives.org, and if the PayPal plan doesn’t allow you to do that without having more money than you can afford (but please stretch a little) we will welcome you as a member if you simply send a check to Tikkun/NSP, 2342 Shattuck Ave, #1200, Berkeley, CA, along with a paragraph about your financial situation (but since we have to pay our publisher Duke University Press for every print magazine we get from them, we can only offer those who give less than $50 an online subscription, if you request it when you send your check).

But there’s more. We want you to become trained as a person who can become a communicator of our perspective to others. That’s why Cat Zavis and I have teamed up to offer a training over the MLK Jr. Holiday weekend in January in the SF Bay Area, and why, if you can’t come to that, we want you to recruit fifty people to be part of that kind of training closer to where you live. More information about that training can be found at spiritualprogressives.org/training. I’d love to see you there, because in that kind of a small setting we can form bonds that are harder to build at large demonstrations of conferences.

And that gets to the key point: we can only beat the Tea Party with an alternative worldview and an alternative program. We have some of that in our Global Marshall Plan (which Congressman Keith Ellison has promised to reintroduce into this session of Congress, despite the fact that any progressive idea will be dead on arrival in the current House of Representatives). We also articulate this alternative program in our money-out-of-politics campaign, which requires (not just encourages) corporate environmental responsibility through our ESRA (Environmental and Social Responsibility Amendment to the U.S. Constitution) and our Spiritual Covenant with America. We take these same ideas and apply them also to building Middle East peace (read it in my book Embracing Israel/Palestine). But we invite your wisdom and smarts to help us further develop our approach—come join on the ground floor.

The core idea that characterizes our spiritual progressive strategy: love, kindness, generosity, and caring for each other and the earth must become the explicit goals of any liberal or progressive movement seeking to heal and transformation our world. Though we at Tikkun and the NSP fully endorse liberal and progressive fights for economic entitlements and political rights, they are too limited, fail to speak to the heart, and do not explicitly highlight the way capitalism’s ethos of materialism, selfishness, and endless economic growth not only endanger the environment but also undermine community, solidarity, friendships, and loving relationships, and lead people to despair about each other and about building a world that is ethically coherent and spiritually nurturing.

What makes me optimistic, even in the face of the Obama administration’s centrism and the fragmentation of liberal and progressive movements, is that love itself permeates the universe and continues to manifest itself in the aspirations of most human beings. I call this Love’s Rebellion—a refusal to accept the ethos of materialism and selfishness as the ultimate truth of our lives, an insistence on seeing the goodness and generosity in others, and a determination to replace “power over” with genuine caring for each other! So even though most of us get scared, and then start to believe that it’s materialism and selfishness that are “the reality” of human nature, this loving force that permeates the universe and is the life-force of all human beings will never be extinguished and continues to pop up when you would never expect it.

That love force is what was behind the amazing transformations of the past fifty years—the miraculous overcoming (though not yet final vanquishing) of patriarchal assumptions and practices in much of the world, the emergence of a multicultural consciousness that is inclusive of many minorities whose culture and contributions to humanity had long been ignored in the West, the overcoming of some (definitely not all) of the overt forms of racism embodied in segregation and apartheid, and the amazing victories for gay marriage which went from something seen as totally unrealistic a mere ten years ago to a reality confirmed by the right-wing dominated Supreme Court in 2013! That love force is there in everyone, and once you become an activist on its behalf through Tikkun and the Network of Spiritual Progressives, or enable others to do so by your tax-deductible contributions, you will see how your own insistence on its reality is infectious, leading others to listen to the voice of love inside them that they have discounted or repressed for fear of being disappointed or humiliated by others for being so “unrealistic.”

But Love’s Rebellion doesn’t operate despite what we do, but through us as we choose to go with those voices inside, and not the voices of cynicism or despair.

We can’t do this without you. Yes, you! This isn’t just sales talk—it is the truth. The people receiving this communication are the only people we know who can make this vision happen. If you know others, share this letter with them please! Please take a moment now to write a check or to donate on line. We so need your financial support. You can also send a check or credit card info along with your email and snail mail addresses to me personally at my home 951 Cragmont Ave, Berkeley, Ca. 94708.
Let me end by blessing you for being willing to have read this far, and for being our ally, and my ally. That solidarity is what keeps me going!

Love,
Michael
2342 Shattuck Ave, #1200, Berkeley, Ca. 94708
RabbiLerner.Tikkun@gmail.com


P.S. I’m proud that Tikkun/NSP was able to mobilize our community after the Trayvon Martin trial to show our outrage at the profiling, harassment, and economic deprivation that the African American community continues to suffer. NSP members went to African American churches to physically show that we were standing with our African American brothers and sisters. The experience reinforced our commitment to fight racism both politically and through acts of caring on a personal and communal level. And I’m happy to report that legendary African American civil rights champion and Baptist minister J. Alfred Smith Sr. has agreed to become a national co-chair of Tikkun‘s Network of Spiritual Progressives!

Rabbi Michael Lerner is editor of Tikkun, chair of the interfaith and secular-humanist-welcoming Network of Spiritual Progressives, and rabbi of Beyt Tikkun synagogue in Berkeley, California. He is the author of eleven books, most recently Embracing Israel/Palestine: A Strategy for Middle East Peace. He can be reached directly at: rabbilerner.tikkun@gmail.com.

 
tags: Economy/Poverty/Wealth, Editorial, NSP